The World Bank and civil societyWhy does the Bank engage with CSOs?Officially because it makes the Bank more effective in reducing poverty. A 1999 Bank report entitled Assessing Aid: What Works, What Doesn't and Why, found that government agencies that actively sought to encourage involvement of beneficiaries achieved a 62 percent success rate in their projects, while those that did not achieved just 10 percent. The Bank attributes the link between CSO engagement and successful implementation to the promotion of public consensus, the provision of local knowledge and professional expertise, and the improved transparency and accountability which accompanies CSO involvement. Unofficially, the Bank has no choice but to seek endorsement from increasingly powerful civil society actors to boost the legitimacy of its lending activities. From within the Bank however, there continues to be resistance to cementing this tenuous relationship; some staff question both the legitimacy of CSOs and the costs of engagement. Such attitudes are reinforced by an optional policy framework with respect to CSO participation. Ticking boxes?A recent discussion paper by the Bank's Civil Society Team said relations with CSOs were "fragmented" and "lacking clarity". Engagement is described as "ad-hoc" and "disconnected from policy processes". High demands on staff time, ambiguous guidance and poor monitoring systems "fuel the tendency among task managers to 'tick the box' that they have involved CSOs rather than take proactive steps to ensure engagement that is viewed as satisfactory by all stakeholders." Added to this chaotic picture is the fact that the Bank cannot account for the amount of its funds which are channeled through CSOs. Confusion persists over how to distinguish CSO roles as watchdogs/critics and service providers/clients. A chequered historyThe Bank divides its history of civil society engagement into three phases. During the 1980s, it "opened its doors to CSOs", establishing the first operational directive on working with NGOs in 1981, and the Bank-NGO Committee in 1982. Phase 2, from 1992-1999, a period of rapid growth in the capacity of CSOs to confront the Bank, is characterised as "mainstreaming participation in Bank operations and policy dialogue". This period includes the creation of the Bank's first information policy (1993) and an independent monitoring and evaluation institution (Inspection Panel, in 1993). During this period the Bank-NGO Committee withered on the vine due to persistent concerns over its representativeness. Despite the participation rhetoric, the Bank turned its back on two of the most innovative multistakeholder processes, the World Commission on Dams (1997-2000) and the Structural Adjustment Participatory Review Initiative (1997-). In 1998, the Bank reviewed its relations with NGOs, issuing 'Good Practice' 14.70 Involving NGOs in Bank-supported activities, which replaced its 1981 directive. This optional note remains the Bank's only official guideline for Bank staff on CSO relations. Phase 3 is described as a period to "deepen and mature relations and address more political concerns". However, frustration with the Extractive Industries Review (launched in 2001), and concerns over the Joint Facilitation Committee have already raised question marks about what it is that truly differentiates this 'third phase' with those that preceded. Who's who in Bank-civil society relations?Some 120 civil society and external affairs specialists are located in most departments at Bank headquarters and in nearly 70 country offices. These staff can be divided into three levels:
Proposed actionsThe CST has made a number of recommendations to improve CSO engagement at the Bank. They include:
This text may be freely used providing the source is credited. This page is: <http://brettonwoodsproject.org/art.shtml?x=27513> Published: 17 November 2003 , last edited: 12 February 2009 Viewings since posted: 9394 |
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