Sponsor: ActionAid International
Speakers: Soren Ambrose, Specioza Kiwanuka
Chair: Jesse Griffiths, ActionAid
Presentations
Soren Ambrose – on the PSI
- Basics on the PSI
- Nigeria first in 2005
- Defined as instrument for LICs, no loans, designed for “mature stabilisers”, still sends signals
- No money -> symbolic of new role of the IMF, advisor more than lender or disciplinarian; emphasises gate-keeper role and public credit rating agency
- PSI is linked to MDRI
- What is a “mature stabiliser”?
- Countries that had gone through macro-instability
- Now with internal macro balance and fiscal stability
- Indicators, GDP growth, inflation < 10%, domestic debt , 1% of GDP
- In effect the PSI does not differ from the PRGF
- Even IMF called it a PSI without money
- If countries are stabilizers – shouldn’t the programme be different than a crisis programme; should be able to pursue more development goals
- Descriptors – flexible, home-grown, country dialogue; though not officially described as flexible
- Mozambique and wage bill ceilings – constricted hiring of wage bill ceilings
- Uganda – ‘directed lending’ programme opposed by the Fund.
- Conclusions and recommendations
- IMF has opportunity to take a bold step on signalling
- Can be proactive in positive signal on governments tackling MDGs and human development goals, allow fiscal space while not violating macro stability
- Need to approve programmes that are not similar or identical to IMF programmes
- There should be questions on the credit rating agency function of the IMF – maybe there are other options for this
- Conflict of interest in both designing and evaluating programmes
- Countries need fiscal space and policy space to make own decisions – the PSI could do that, but it is not now
Specioza on Uganda PSI programme
- Bonna Bangawala programme – this was a domestic priority that was challenged by the IMF through the PSI
- IMF has rhetoric on supporting policies, but this is not happening in practice
- Credit in Uganda
- SACCOs are the method by which the scheme was supposed to help low-income people get credit
- Borrowing costs are high, credit availability is low – only large companies and government
- Microfinance has not filled the gap – they only reach a small proportion of the population, their credit is not very affordable
- In election campaign – rural voters demanded credit programmes, the president made a promise in the campaign
- December 2006 – the IMF communication called it directed lending and essentially wants the programme stopped
- Clear popular support
- Government trying to address needs
- Filling gaps to solve market failure of rural credit
- Government later included in its programme and defended the idea
- Unclear what the IMF response will be
- No conditions in Dec 2006 to stop the programme
- Maybe the IMF wants to avoid criticism
- Earlier IMF statements maybe undercut ability to raise funds from donors
General Discussion
Robert – civil society for poverty reduction in Zambia
- How does parliament oversee government loans in Uganda
- What about two-way monitoring from Paris Declaration? Do we have a tool for monitoring the IMF and is fulfilling its promises?
Vasuki Shastri – IMF
- Where exactly PSI should head? Greater role or less?
- In Uganda, this is the wrong impression. Rural credit schemes don’t work – ie evidence in Asia. This isn’t national sovereignty, it is a leakage and targeting
Peter Chowla
- What about Korean rural credit schemes?
- What about Uganda Development Bank and privatisation – has this effected credit provision?
Grenada’s ambassador to UN
- Did the IMF come up with any alternatives when they criticised the Bonna B programme?
Specioza
- In Uganda – the parliament does approve loans, but PSI has no loan – parliament is not involved in the contract or the review process
- This is a ‘directed lending’ programme – only IMF called it this
Eric Gutierrez
- There is an urgent need of credit in the rural sector, WB/IMF has over 20 years of SAP destroyed credit access to rural small landholders
- Yes rural credit scheme have had problems – this requires good design and good management of the programme
- Small holder agriculture needs credit to be viable
- IMF needs to help design the programme well
Specioza
- IMF gave no alternatives – only to rely on private markets
- On UDB – not really linked to the past experience
Soren
- Do we want IMF out of the PSI business? – no clear answer
- Depends on the design. If same as PRGF then it is not useful
- If the IMF were to take on role of promoting development, and depart from rigid guidelines, and promote expansionary policies – then it can be useful
- If IMF can not be persuaded to go in that direction – then we must question IMF’s status as the signaller, donors should be looking elsewhere at more objective institutions
Amy Gray
- Grameen Bank as a positive example of micro lending in Bangladesh
- Bangladesh said it doesn’t want PSI – clearly something in Asia is happening differently
- Clearly a problem between calling it home-grown programme when the IMF might be curtailing the programme
Eric Gutierrez
- How do you manage the trade-offs between inflation and growth. When it isn’t a crisis anymore, then these trade-offs are really important
- Now these countries are not in crisis – IMF does not have expertise to deal with long-term development problems
Saviour (CSPR Zambia)
- The question of ownership – different definitions from IMF point of view and the public
- IMF thinks finance ministry officials bought-in is ownership
- But ownership must be broader – CSOs, parliaments, etc
- Narrow view of ownership will distort things
- Executives and civil servants have different interests
- IMF should promote real ownership, not rely on fin min
- On relevance of IMF and alternatives
- Perception studies on multilateral agencies
- ODI study on aid effectiveness and other rankings
- UN agencies always preferred over IFIs – even among the government officials
Colins M from ActionAid
- IMF programmes and conditions have led to crash of political systems
- We had a similar situation in Malawi – fertiliser subsidies
- Political agreement in the country to increase subsidies but the World Bank completely opposed
- Government will have choice to either go against the IMF or the people
- Fund claims to have promoted more fiscal space in Africa
- But this doesn’t match with what we see in the PSI
- We have had enough of untested programmes and policies
- Practice on the ground has not changed, business as usual
Rick Rowden from ActionAid
- Definitional problem of what is ‘macro stability’
- What level of interest rates and fiscal deficits means macrostability
- On interest rates
- In Malawi – who buys the bonds, only commercial banks
- Banks buy the T-bills, and enjoy the high interest rates
Akanksha Marphatia from ActionAid International
- In Mozambique – there was demand by donors on why wage bill ceiling is there, still can’t hire enough teachers
- Some donors (UK, DFID, Nordics) are questioning the role of IMF in mature stabilizers
Jan Kees
- We get accused of both one-size-fits-all policies and for being incoherent
- Country executive branches oppose the IMF reaching out to parliaments and citizens; plus the Articles of Agreement don’t allow this
- We did lift the wage bill ceiling in Moz., that shows we are flexible
- Of course ownership doesn’t come from just a few finance ministry officials; we would like to see counter examples where it is just a few people in the finance ministry
Specioza
- Government of Uganda would write the PSI itself if it were really home grown
- Mature stabilizers should be trusted to write their own policies
Soren
- Reiterated the points about the IMF potentially having a new more constructive role to play. The IMF could signal that countries are running “good” but expansionary programmes that meet domestic development priorities
- European donors don’t match their rhetoric to their reality on whether they want a signal from the IMF or not, this should be fixed
- The IMF is running out of willing takers for its standard advice, plus advocacy is increasing.